The Minister of Oil has left, but the office of the oil narrative's income and expenses has yet to be opened to public opinion: On October 4, 2026, Masoud Pezeshkian accepted the resignation of Mohsen Paknejad from the Ministry of Oil and appointed 'Hamid Bord' as the caretaker; while from September 12, 2021, by the decree of Javad Owji, Ali Forouzandeh (former economic editor of Fars) took over the public relations of the Ministry of Oil, and during that period, new specialized media such as 'Energy Line' gained access to official meetings and government podiums without a transparent list of payments, contracts, and media privileges being published. This lack of transparency, amid tensions in Hormuz and the Gulf market, has directly impacted oil prices, ship insurance rates, and regional risk, and remains unanswered.
Starting Point: The Signature that Created Media
On September 12, 2021, the then Minister of Oil, Javad Owji, appointed 'Ali Forouzandeh' as the Director General of Public Relations; a figure with a background in economic journalism at Fars News Agency. This appointment meant that one of the chokepoints for distributing the oil industry's information budget and access to the country's media network was entrusted from the outset to a circle that understands the language of media and the mechanism of narrative distribution. The Ministry of Oil and various economic media repeatedly spoke in the following months and years about prioritizing public relations for 'extensive interaction with the media'; an interaction that, without the publication of invoices and contracts, effectively became a black box.
Then, another management shift became public in October 2023: A ceremony was held to honor the former Director General (Forouzandeh) and introduce 'Majid Boujarzadeh' as the new Director General of Public Relations at the Ministry of Oil; again without a detailed list of commitments and media contract parties from previous and subsequent years being posted on the ministry's website. These managerial back-and-forths become meaningful when we realize that the Gulf market, during this period, reacted instantly to every sentence and headline regarding the Strait of Hormuz, sanctioned oil sales, and 'trust issues'.
A Resignation, a Caretaker, and an Unanswered Field
On October 4, 2026, Paknejad stepped down, and 'Hamid Bord', the CEO of the National Oil Company, was appointed as caretaker by the President. Both international and domestic media reported simultaneously that this shift occurred amid pressures on sales, the U.S. naval blockade, and months-long disputes over 'trust issues', unreturned currencies, and the management of the Persian Gulf holding. Regardless, the change of minister and the arrival of a caretaker opens a new gateway to transparency: If an industry that raises tanker insurance in Hormuz with a headline cannot publish its media office, who pays for the 'risk of narrative'?
'Energy Line'; From Public Relations Rooms to the Public Opinion Arena
In these years, the fresh media 'Energy Line' entered the field focusing on energy diplomacy, sanctions, and imbalance, relying on the personal brand of 'Seyed Ehsan Hosseini' (editor-in-chief) and 'Sajjad Taheri' (responsible manager), gaining access to official oil sector meetings and hot discussions about 'trust issues' and oil sales. The official website of 'Energy Line' and the social media pages associated with this media have announced and established the combination of Hosseini's editorship and Taheri's management; even reports of public relations meetings of the Ministry of Oil with media representatives, in which the responsible manager of 'Energy Line' directly presents the media's positions, have been published. This indicates 'structured access'; access that must be supported by contracts, figures, and specific payments.
Today, this media has over 33,000 subscribers on Telegram and articulates the topics of oil, gas, and Hormuz security in clear language; from 'ships trapped in blockade' to 'regional costs of closing the strait'. When a specialized media gains such operational breadth and field, its invoice is no longer a private matter; because the impact of its headlines on insurance, transportation costs, and the psychological pulse of the Gulf market is public. The Ministry of Oil and its subsidiaries must accurately and line by line state which media they paid from 2021 to 2026 and what services they received.
The Hidden Cost of Narrative; When a Headline Becomes Insurance
The Gulf market is a market of 'narrative'; a quote about Hormuz, a maritime map, a report on trust issues, and suddenly the insurers in London and Singapore raise the insurance rate, shipowners reroute, and the refineries in Jebel Ali and Yanbu ask new questions about supply to fill the gap. In recent weeks, international media close to developments in Iran reported that the blockade and U.S. military escorts have pressured Iran's oil export flow, while the dispute over trust issues and unreturned currencies has escalated. This means that every 'narrative' in Tehran has a direct reflection in the Strait of Hormuz and the ports of the Gulf. Therefore, every rial of the oil industry's media budget is, in fact, part of the 'cost of regional risk' and cannot remain in the dark.
Fars, Hack, and a Reminder About Truth-Making
In December 2022, a cyberattack on Fars News Agency made headlines. At that time, the technical team of this media explicitly denied the narratives circulated by some channels about 'the release of surveillance camera footage attributed to Fars' and stated that such footage does not belong to Fars. This point is important for our case; as it shows how in critical moments of politics and media, 'unsubstantiated revelations' can deviate from the truth and tarnish professional integrity and budgetary decisions. Here too, the clear single version is: document, date, and figure.
The Circle of Policy Research and Media; Eitan and the Energy Field
The network of 'Iran Think Tanks' known as Eitan has been operating since 2000 as a policy research network aimed at synergizing independent think tanks and providing policy proposals. Over two decades, the connection of experts in this network with the media and the executive body has led to the formation of an 'ecosystem of narrative and decision'; an ecosystem that, when it comes to oil and gas, is directly tied to the geography of the Gulf. If the policy research-media link is fed by public funds, it must be transparent and accountable; otherwise, every editorial office benefiting from this table should expect tough questions.
The Chain of Events: Who Signed, What Was Transferred, Who Answers
The signatures are clear: Javad Owji appointed Ali Forouzandeh as the Director General of Public Relations in 2021; then in 2023, Majid Boujarzadeh replaced him; on October 4, 2026, Paknejad left, and Hamid Bord came as caretaker. What is the transfer? At least three things: 1) The right to access meetings, news distribution networks, and the possibility of 'narrative creation' for specialized media like 'Energy Line'; 2) The media and symbolic credibility resulting from participation in official oil sector events; 3) Contracts, reports, and informational support whose status has not yet been published. Who answers? The current Director General of Public Relations at the Ministry of Oil must publish a complete list of contracts and payments from 2021 to 2026 to media, institutions, and individuals; subsidiary companies (from Shana to the four national companies) must bring up the details of their media contracts; and media benefiting from these budgets, including 'Energy Line', must clarify their funding path by publishing a list of financial supporters.
Specific Demands from Today
- Ministry of Oil and Public Relations: Within the next 30 days, a media transparency office including all contracts, invoices, agreements, and payment documents to media and influential individuals in the period from 2021 to 2026 should be published; with date, amount, service description, and beneficiary.
- National companies and subsidiary holdings: The names of all information contractors, content producers, media monitoring, and media purchasing, broken down by company and project, should be announced.
- Media benefiting from public budgets: 'Announce sponsors' and their annual financial balance should be published on their official website; otherwise, any 'independence' is merely a claim.
- Parliament and the Court of Audit: Special attention should be given to 'narrative budget' in the oil industry, on par with the review of physical projects; because the costs of narrative directly impact the commercial risk of the Gulf.
When the Narrative Passes Through Hormuz
At the current juncture, where Iran's oil exports are under pressure from American escorts and satellite surveillance, and shipowners resort to more expensive insurances to pass through Hormuz, every 'tone' and 'headline' in Tehran has serious reflections in Bandar Abbas, Khark, Fujairah, and Yanbu. This means that the case of public relations and media in the Ministry of Oil is not merely an internal discussion; it is a cog in the energy security of the Gulf. The Ministry of Oil must clarify the rules of the media game right now; so that the market knows whose words, with whose money, and for whose interests make it to the front page.
Silence is Enough; Give Us the Numbers
In an era where oil debates, from 'unreturned currencies' to 'trust issues', have engaged public opinion and even led to a change of minister, there is no longer any excuse for hiding the list of media contracts. The Ministry of Oil must open the payment book and lay it before the eyes. And media that have used public funds must accept their share of the 'risk of narrative': accountability.
